Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse-Initial Evidential Marker Mo

A Japanese focus marker mo ‘also/too’ can be uttered out of the blue without oddness. Instead of contrastive narrow focus, mo-sentences have presentational neutral focus. I will analyze this mo as universal evidential marker based on visual evidences which is also a speaker-oriented emphatic marker similar to indeed and unfortunately. By association with a whole proposition, mo triggers unspecified presuppositions which form reasons to convince the speaker and the hearer of p. The presuppositions accommodated by the hearer might differ from the ones of the speaker.